Tag Archives: politics

“When I was in school . . .” Aren’t any GOP candidates parents?

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“When I was in school . . .” Aren’t any GOP candidates parents of students?

The interminable cable conversation on Iowa continues in Iowa. Today there’s another “C’mon, Man!” moment. This time it’s Newt Gingrich, out on the stump talking about education.

Gingrich, in happier days

First Gingrich says, predictably, that we have to shrink the federal Department of Education. Then he says, rightly, that we have to move away from standardized testing that can lead to teaching to the test.

Nobody’s wrong all the time.

Then he adds that we also need to reduce state regulation of education. Not just the federal government but also the states need to move out of the way, so parents can take over. Gingrich:  we need to go “back” to a time when parents were in control, when parents worked things out with their local school board.

This was my Huh? moment. I do not recall parents’ having any power, or any to speak of, in the schools back in the years Gingrich refers to.

Indeed, Gingrich then goes on to have it both ways. “Back when I was in school,” he says, a kid who got into trouble at school got into trouble again at home. Point being, parents tended to back up the teacher.

For what it’s worth, that is the way I remember it, too.

The difference between me and Gingrich–among others–is that I have experience with education more recent than my childhood. Setting aside their own high school and college years, aren’t Gingrich and the rest parents? It never comes up when they’re talking about education, somehow. The line is always “When I was a kid/in school . . .”

Never, “When I was dealing with my kids’ teachers . . .”

Or, “When my own kids were in school . . .”

Or, “Dealing with my kids’ school/s . . .”

Much less, “My own kids were fortunate enough to have good teachers, good camp counselors, good coaches. I feel for . . .”

Side note: Having failed to get on the GOP primary ballot in Virginia, Gov. Rick Perry is suing the VA Republican Party.

As said, nobody’s wrong all the time.

It is always a bit funny to watch another of our anti-litigation, pro-“tort reform” Republican candidates take to the courts, though. Perry is also adding to the taxpayers’ cost for funding the federal courts. He might even arguably expand federal government. We’ll see whether he inveighs against activist judges, should he win in court.

The 2004 election revisited, part 2

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Revisiting the 2004 election. Part 2.

Still in the spirit of the holidays, following up on the 2004 presidential election

Electoral College, 2004

Not merely was the Electoral College manipulated. What happened in November 2004 to the popular vote? The question is raised by, among others, Jonathan D. Simon, J.D., of the non-profit Verified Vote 2004, and Ron P. Baiman, Ph.D., Institute of Government and Public Affairs, U. of Illinois-Chicago.

Baiman and Simon’s paper, “The 2004 Presidential Election: Who Won the Popular Vote? An Examination of the Comparative Validity of Exit Poll and Vote Count Data,” focuses on disparities discussed by U. Penn research professor Steven Freeman, quoted previously.

Key question from 2004

Substantive and solidly researched, the paper bears out the fact that vote tallies diverged significantly from the reasonably expectations based on exit polling. Here quoted for convenience are Baiman and Simon’s main points:

“Executive Summary

  • There is a substantial discrepancy–well outside the margin of error and outcome determinative–between the national exit poll and the popular vote count.
  • The possible causes of the discrepancy would be random error, a skewed exit poll, or breakdown in the fairness of the voting process and accuracy of the vote count.
  • Analysis shows that the discrepancy cannot reasonably be accounted for by chance or random error.
  • Evidence does not support hypotheses that the discrepancy was produced by problems with the exit poll.  [emphasis added]
  • Widespread breakdown in the fairness of the voting process and accuracy of the vote count are the most likely explanations for the discrepancy.
  • In an accurate count of a free and fair election, the strong likelihood is that Kerry would have been the winner of the popular vote.”

Many of us couldn’t have said it better ourselves.

Regrettably, Baiman and Simon’s paper never cracked through the surface in large media outlets. A quick search of the Lexis-Nexis database shows zero mention of the paper in U.S. newspapers. The print press collectively did not quote, or mention, the public statement released through U.S. Newswire Jan. 4, 2005, announcing a press conference at the National Press Club by the authors, other election experts, and activist groups including the NAACP. No magazines ran articles on election fraud as an issue.

The authors echoed questions raised by my North Carolina reader quoted in the previous entry. As they pointed out,

“Although it is the Electoral College and not the popular vote that legally elects the president, winning the popular vote does have considerable psychological and practical significance. It is fair to say, to take a recent example, that had Al Gore not enjoyed a popular vote margin in 2000, he would not have had standing in the court of public opinion to maintain his post-election challenge for more than a month up until its ultimate foreclosure by the Supreme Court. [emphasis in original]

In the 2004 election now under scrutiny, the popular vote again has played a critical role. George Bush’s apparent margin of 3.3 million votes clearly influenced the timing of John Kerry’s concession. Although the election was once again close enough that yet-to-be-counted votes offered at least the mathematical possibility of a Kerry electoral college victory–and although, once again, concerns about vote counting were beginning to emerge from early post-election reports and analyses–Kerry apparently believed that, unlike popular vote-winner Gore, he did not have effective standing to prolong the race.”

Baiman and Simon were well aware of the sensitive situation in Ohio,

“Yet to overturn the Ohio result, giving Kerry an electoral college victory (or even to disqualify the Ohio electors via challenge in Congress, which would deprive Bush of an electoral college majority and throw the election to the House of Representatives), would likely be regarded as unjust and insupportable by a populace convinced that Bush was, by some 3.3 million votes, the people’s choice.

Thus, although the popular vote does not legally determine the presidency, its significance is such that we must give due consideration to any evidence which puts the popular vote count itself at issue.”

[emphasis in original]

Hence the analysis of the anomalies. Citing the historical track record of exit polling and the 2004 results reported by exit polling authority Warren Mitofsky, Baiman and Simon argue convincingly for the credibility of the exit polls.

The crux:

“On election night 2004, the exit polls and the vote counting equipment generated results that differed significantly.”

As the authors remind readers,

“In the early morning of November 3, 2004, a CNN.com website screenshot entitled “U.S. PRESIDENT/NATIONAL/EXIT POLL” posted national exit poll results updated to 12:23 A.M., broken down by gender as well as a variety of other categories.[note] The time of the update indicates that these results comprised substantially the full set of respondents polled on election day, but were free from the effects of a subsequent input of tabulated data used to bring about ultimate congruence between the exit poll and vote count results.”

The outcome of this national exit poll was 48.2% Bush, 50.8% Kerry.

There has perhaps never been a less reported headline in the history of U.S. politics. In a world, or in a political realm, now bating its breath over the possibility that Iowa Christian conservatives may wander from Newt Gingrich to Rick Santorum or vice versa–in an election neither can hope to win–the fact that historically reliable exit polling showed John Kerry on top in the presidential election in 2004 went unremarked.

Baiman and Simon quoted Freeman’s discussion of the close battleground states, cited earlier:

“In particular, the odds against the discrepancies in Ohio, Florida, and Pennsylvania occurring together are computed at 662,000-to-one, or a virtual statistical impossibility that they could have been due to chance or random error.”

The same pattern held on a broader scale:

“Receiving somewhat less emphasis is the overall pattern of discrepancy in the state polls—again with the vote counts turning in Bush’s favor, though less dramatically in the nonbattleground states, as will be discussed below. The national popular vote is not addressed in that paper, but the same statistical principles are applicable, and will be
employed in this analysis.”

The authors emphasize the large size of the national exit poll,  even more accurate than other exit polls:

“While the individual state samples totaled 73,678 reported respondents,[note] a national sub-sampling was undertaken by Edison/Mitofsky, which comprised 13,047 reported respondents, chosen as a representative random sample of the nation as a whole. This sample was drawn from 250 targeted polling places and from 500 individual telephone interviews with absentee and early voters.”

Baiman and Simon concluded with 95% certainty “that Kerry’s popular vote percentage would fall in the range 49.7% to 51.9%; that is, it would fall outside that range only once in 20 times.”

As they summarize, dryly, “Kerry’s reported vote count of 48.1% falls dramatically outside this range.”

That is, the vote reported for Kerry fell well outside the realm of probability.

The reaction to this solid analysis? In the immortal words of Sinclair Lewis, it made as much noise as a bladder hurled into the ocean. It had as much effect as a tract left in a speakeasy (paraphrase from Ann Vickers, 1933).

Despite the disregard in the national political press, other researchers have pursued the issues raised by the 2004 election. In a lengthy footnote, Baiman and Simon cite the work of MIT grad student William Kaminsky:

“Kaminsky finds that in 22 of the 23 states which break down their voter registrations by party ID the ratio of registered Republicans to registered Democrats in the final, adjusted exit poll was larger than the ratio of registered Republicans to registered Democrats on the official registration rolls. In other words, the adjustments performed on the exit polls in order to get them to agree with the official tallies would, if valid, require Republicans to have won the get-out-the-vote battle in essentially every state. We find this requirement implausible, and indeed observational evidence pointed to just the opposite: massive new voter turnout, which virtually always cuts in favor of the challenger; huge lines in Democratic precincts; unadjusted exit poll data showing apparently greater Democratic turnout; etc. Exit polls appropriately stratified to official party ID percentages, which would effectively neutralize any suspected “reluctant Bush responder” phenomenon by including the expected proportions of Republican and Democratic voters, would on the basis of Kaminsky’s analysis have yielded results at least as favorable to Kerry as those upon which we have relied in our calculations.”

Again the Amen Corner.

The public out in front, again

As written previously, it wasn’t only eggheads who perceived the issue of lost votes. Taking a leaf from Ronald Reagan’s book, here it seems only fitting to quote an email from one of my gracious readers:

“Margie,

Thank you for your recent piece on the above that I read today at buzzflash.com.  Bush is the worst president of my fifty-three year lifetime and I lived through Johnson and Nixon back-to-back.

Bush has managed to combine the guns and butter policies of the Johnson administration with the excessive secrecy and lies of Nixon.  This is almost as big an accomplishment as his uniting of Sunni and Shiite factions against us in Iraq.

I was a precinct captain for the Kerry campaign for the three months prior to the 2004 Iowa caucuses.  I would often ask the Democrats I called upon what they were hearing about Bush from their Republican acquaintances.  They usually replied in the following way, “You know, it is funny that you should ask that question.  I cannot believe the number of Republicans that I know who have VOLUNTEERED the information to me that they will never, ever vote for Bush again.”  And this was well before things in Iraq turned really, really bad.

What is your sense about the mood among Republicans these days?  Thanks, again, for your efforts on behalf of truth, justice and peace.  The best, [name]”

The 2004 election revisited, part 1

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Revisiting election 2004. Part 1

Ohio results as published 2004

As the U.S.A. heads into a new election year, a string of GOP presidential candidates has demonstrated conclusively that each will need all the help s/he can get, to get into the White House. Thus it is timely, in this holiday season, to review the 2004 election.

Short story: Election Day 2004 involved more signs of election fraud, in more states, than any other election including that of 2000, when our not counting votes in Florida gave George W. Bush the White House without compelling him to win it.

Exit polling in Venezuela

The 2004 anomalies were revealed when polling consultants Edison Media Research and Mitofsky International released final exit polls conducted in all states. A troubling pattern emerged, which has not to this day been explained away. Although the data were analyzed in an excellent paper by Prof. Steven F. Freeman, “The Unexplained Exit Poll Discrepancy,” there was no significant follow-up by the national political press. Undoubtedly this cavalier disregard for the fundamental right to vote contributed to fuel the big changes of 2008, including the rise of Barack Obama and the further decline of the news media in public esteem.

Media rep 2004

Quick run-down, 2004:

  • In 2004, contrary to results in every other election for the previous twenty years, there was a variance between exit polls and the published vote tally of more than two points in 33 of 51 jurisdictions.
  • This variance amounted to a swing in each state of 4% or 5% or more to Bush.
  • That is, regardless of which candidate won in those states, a significant variance allegedly occurred in every exit poll in all of them, and always in the same direction.
  • This crucial swing occurred in all the close states: Colorado, Florida, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Iowa all had the same alleged ‘red shift.’
  • Most of the close states seemingly shifted more than two points, a swing of 4% or 5% favorable to Bush, regardless of the size or region of the state, and regardless of whether the state ultimately went for Bush or Kerry.
  • Exit polls from nine other states, less close, were also contradicted by a smaller swing toward Bush in the published vote tally. The same seeming swings to Bush occurred in the District of Columbia and Maryland.
  • Thus four out of five states are alleged to have swung to Bush, in an election where previous polling had consistently indicated new voters, independent voters, and younger voters trending toward Kerry and/or away from Bush.
  • This four-out-of-five swing is alleged for an election in which turnout increased, although increased voter turnout is generally held to favor the challenger against the incumbent.
  • In four states, the swing from exit poll to published vote tally was enough to swing the state from Kerry to Bush–Ohio, Florida, New Mexico, and Iowa.
  • These four states added up to 59 electoral votes, more than enough to change the outcome of the national election.
  • Numerous election problems were reported on the ground from counties and precincts in Ohio, Florida, New Mexico and Iowa.

According to Professor Freeman, whose PhD in organizational studies came from MIT and who holds professorships at the University of Pennsylvania and at an international MBA program founded by Harvard, the swing between exit poll and vote tally is an anomaly even in just three battleground states. Take Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Florida alone, and as Freeman calculated, “The likelihood of any two of these statistical anomalies occurring together is on the order of one-in-a-million. The odds against all three occurring together are 250 million to one.”

“As much as we can say in social science that something is impossible, it is impossible that the discrepancies between predicted and actual vote counts in the three critical battleground states of the 2004 election could have been due to chance or random error.”

Even for a non-scientist, the statistical problem above seems fairly obvious: If the exit polls were simple mistakes, then they should have diverged from the vote tallies randomly. Honest mistakes should vary at different locations. Honest mistakes should vary in favor of different candidates, benefiting different parties. You don’t have a nationwide set of honest mistakes all magically benefiting one candidate. This is not random, it is a pattern.

Freeman

It would also be near miraculous for a nationwide set of honest mistakes all to fall within a fairly short percentage range, just significant enough to affect the outcome of the election but not dramatic enough to trigger federal and state investigation under the law.

Disclaimer:  It is only reasonable to read opinion polls and other polling with skepticism.  Incessant polling can weaken the individual’s reliance on his/her own judgment, can plant suggestions, can intimidate reporters, and can manipulate public acceptance of the unacceptable. Following the 2004 election, an opinion poll was quickly published suggesting that most people were relieved—ironically–that the outcome was clear.

All well and good, if it was clear. But the integrity of vote counting is essential to our nation’s survival as a democracy. The horse-race obsession about who is ahead before the election often makes news media look silly. The question of who won the election, after the election, is fundamental.

Exit polls hit closer to the mark than do opinion polls. Exit polls are taken on the ground with people who show up to vote, are taken just after the voting, and are weighted to take into account a preponderance of one group. As Dr. Freeman points out, exit polls have been used globally to check and verify the validity of elections in countries including Germany and Mexico. When exit polls contradicted Eduard Shevardnadze’s claim that he had won election in the former Soviet country of Georgia, Shevardnadze was forced to resign under pressure from the U.S. among other nations.

Pundits’ disdain for the issue of what happened to the 2004 election not shared by the public

Writing about these issues soon after the 2004 election, this author focused initially on the small tilts that added up to a big tilt in the U.S. Electoral College. However, even then I pointed out that questions had also arisen affecting the popular vote count in ‘safe’ states. The responses below, from readers who vote, include this interesting anecdotal account:

“Margie,

A friend pointed me to your article “Did Bush lose the election?” which I found very interesting. I was also interested in your final comment about irregularities “even in safe states.”

I live in the “safe state” of North Carolina where something I observed may be worth passing along.

During the early voting period, the state Board of Elections was releasing daily turnout reports. The early voters were identified by their party registration. It occurred to me that comparing this year’s turnout with early voting in the 2000 election might reveal a trend.

At the close of early voting on Oct. 31, SBOE recorded 705,462 early voters. In 2000, 393,152 early voters were recorded. Four years ago, early voters were 46% Democrat and 38% Republican. This year, early voters were 50.4% Democrat and 36% Republican.

Given a 6-point net gain in Democratic turnout, it seemed reasonable to expect that John Kerry would gain at least several percentage points over Al Gore’s showing four years ago. But when the votes were tallied, Kerry registered virtually no improvement on Gore’s vote in North Carolina (Kerry 43.6%, Gore 43.2%).

Knowing who is voting doesn’t reveal how they are voting, and crossover voting has long been a feature of North Carolina elections. But there’s nothing to suggest that crossover voting was any different this year from four years ago. [emphasis added]

When a similar pattern was observed in parts of Florida, the response was that “Southern Democrats may have been more willing to vote for a moderate Southerner (Gore) than a Massachusetts liberal.” But that doesn’t explain why Democratic turnout increased while Republican turnout seemed to decrease.

This year’s early vote in North Carolina was 20% of the total vote. Four years ago it was 13.5% of the total. So, there’s a statistically significant sample to use as a basis for comparison. If a correlation exists between early voting patterns this year and four years ago, it seems pretty improbable that a significant jump in Democratic turnout would not have translated to some improvement for Kerry over Gore.

If Kerry were getting, say, 47% in North Carolina, that would have put another 130,000 votes in his column. It’s not enough to win the state’s 15 electoral votes, but a 4-point upward shift across the country is in line with the exit poll projection of a 51-48% popular vote lead for Kerry. And it would have moved Ohio and a couple other close states into his column.

It would be interesting to do these comparisons in states where the relevant data is available to see if Democratic turnout increased from 2000 to 2004, and if so, whether it translated to gains for Kerry over Gore.

I’m not ready to conclude there was vote manipulation. But there are a lot of questions about the results that need to be examined and answers provided.

Thank you for your efforts.”

“Dear Ms. Burns,
Thank you for your interesting, informative, and truthful article, “Did Bush
Lose the Election?”
The evidence of what you say has existed for quite some time now

  • patent evidence of election fraud presaged by Avi Rubin at Johns Hopkins University
    and echoed in the recent UC Berkeley study, by Zogby International as reported in IPS News, and
  • as Bill Simpich observes in the SF Bay View
  • by former MIT mathematics professor David Anick, among others. Notwithstanding, the mainstream media continue to exclude from its purvue this most heinous and glaringly evident act of deception
  • the defrauding of the American people of its vote and therefore of its sovereignty. By failing to lend their attention to this issue, the mainstream media act as aiders and abettors of a blatant attack against the security of the United States of America.

It is therefore extremely refreshing to hear someone valiantly speak out for the American people in our time of crisis. I thank you most profoundly for being one of the seminal figures to tell the truth about the Third Millenium scandal that is now gaining a reputation worldwide as “Votergate” or, as I also like to call it: “the NeoCons” [Election] Piracy 2004.”

[name redacted]

It was never about the debt ceiling

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It was never about the debt ceiling

What a time for my domain to become live again, just when Congress leaves town after finalizing a rise in the ‘debt ceiling.’

There will be several parts to this post.

First, to some of the more sweeping or superficial distortions and debt-ceiling politics:

  •  On balance, I think the Democrats in Congress, the White House, and the public came out better—given the situation–than has been indicated by some progressive outlets. Admittedly I am influenced by the fact that some of the most vitriolic ‘progressive’ voices against Dems and the WH are also corporate-allied. They do tend to get all rabble-rousing in the abstract, simultaneously resisting options to help improve the lot of working people (such as writers) themselves. They also tend not to be very effective, politically speaking. They also tend to have dismissed candidate Obama’s chance of winning early. So in a sense it is natural for them to lob attacks on the president, rather than fight 1) against the GOP corpo-party and 2) for working people. That aside, the final bill avoided default (more on default later); prohibited another debt-ceiling ruse for the next couple of years; and kept the GOP on the hook for its program cuts, government spending, and tax favoritism for the wealthy and corporations.
  • That last item is so significant that I have been a little surprised to see it so neglected in political commentary over the last few days. The lift on the debt ceiling was passed by Republicans in the House.
  • Let me repeat that: After all the hoopla about the Tea Party, a ‘rift’ or schism in the GOP, threats to John Boehner’s position as Speaker, etc., etc., the bill raising the debt ceiling was passed by Republicans in the House. The bill was supported by more Republicans than Democrats, with 174 Republicans voting to raise the debt ceiling and 95 Democrats. The bill was opposed by more Democrats than Republicans, with 95 Dems voting against it and only 66 GOPers.
  • Our political reporters have not highlighted this fact. While the final tally pretty much had to be reported, the party break-down is being spun so far as a revolt against the president in Democratic ranks; or as a sign of weakness for Dems/WH; or as a sticking point for progressives re 2012; etc. (Again the refrain: So much for the liberal media.)
  • Even in the Senate, where the bill passed 74-26 and more Democrats voted for it, more Republicans voted for it (28) than opposed it (19).
  • Btw, one factoid sheds some light on the supposed popularity of opposing, or rebelling, or shaking things up, re those Republican primaries. Of the 19 Republican senators who voted not to raise the debt ceiling, 13 are not up for re-election until 2016. Four are not up for re-election until 2014. Every GOPer up for election in 2010 voted to raise the debt ceiling, except Hatch (R-Utah) and Heller (R-Nev.). Theoretically Hatch and Heller know the electorates of their states best. In any case, the final vote tally casts some doubt on the much-vaunted electoral clout of the Tea Party, at least measured against the importance of Wall Street contributions.
  • Any Dem running for Congress who allows himself to be put on the defensive about ‘gummint spending’ after this deserves to lose.

 

The bigger distortions are misrepresentations on a more fundamental level. Some of the deeper issues go to the heart of political reporting in large media outlets:

  •  This fight in Congress was never about the debt ceiling. With the exception of a few Tea Party members, mainly from South Carolina, who were genuinely ready to become defaulters, the GOP in both House and Senate has repeatedly voted in the past to raise the debt ceiling, under both Republican and Democratic presidents, or to vote no only in a symbolic gesture after it was already clear that it would be raised. Every member of Congress had access to former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan’s remarks on the debt ceiling, including Greenspan’s call for eliminating the debt ceiling. (Yes, the right wing distrusts the Fed. That doesn’t mean they mistake Greenspan for Greenpeace.) Every experienced Congress member knows that, as the president said, raising the debt ceiling simply allows the U.S. “to pay its bills on time, as we always have.”
  • The fight from Republicans in Congress was never about reducing the deficit. As President Obama said earlier, “There’s nothing serious about a plan that claims to reduce the deficit by spending a trillion dollars on tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires.” The congressional GOP could have attempted what Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) is attempting, to find genuine examples of waste, fraud and abuse to cut. It could have voted—for the past thirty years—to trim military spending, reining in federal contractors. It could have eliminated tax breaks, unneeded by any measure, for Big Oil. It could have voted against the Iraq War. It could have reined in the intelligence establishment, which failed to prevent 9/11 and was rewarded for failure by more far-flung billions than ever, with the massive additional layer of bureaucracy known as the Department of Homeland Security. Congress could even have opted to run itself more frugally.

  • Instead, the Republican apparatus in government has worked, often behind the scenes, to drive up the cost of government more, regardless of the wishes of ordinary Republican voters. Every delay in Congress adds to the cost of government—added on top of other damage done in delaying needed legislation (the FAA is a prime example). Every delay in confirming judges and other federal appointees adds to the cost of running the agencies involved, and this GOP has delayed judicial confirmations and backlogged the courts more than any other party in U.S. history. The delay in raising the debt ceiling alone cost U.S. taxpayers billions. Furthermore, top GOPers have resisted efforts to make large federal contracts (mainly in military-security spending) more competitive, sometimes while simultaneously resisting efforts to exempt small contracts from competition. All this, of course, comes on top of the massive trillion-dollar hole of two wars and tax breaks for the wealthy and corporations, all funneled into effect by the GOP with some acquiescent Democrats.
  • The fight was never over the national debt. What GOPer has seriously called (publicly) for refusing to pay the interest, let alone the principle, on U.S. Savings Bonds bought by Americans or by other people? Come to think of it, what Republican in office has mentioned U.S. Savings Bonds recently?

  • Conclusory statement: Regardless of ‘red-meat’ campaign rhetoric, the GOP in office never strays far from the Wall Street fold. If you really want to analyze current GOP politics you can forget guns, god and gays.
  • Second conclusory statement: Regardless of ‘the base,’ the middle class, or the rest of the electorate, Republican policy in office is about using the power of office to break the middle class. GOP honchos have tried to replace Social Security; they are trying to weaken Medicare and Medicaid, using Orwellianisms the while; they fought tooth and nail to prevent enlightened single-payer health coverage and to keep insurance companies the gatekeepers for health care. For three decades they have boosted corporate efforts to undermine pension plans. They support every corporate effort to jettison pensions and health benefits. Their financial policy, if you call it that, enabled the mortgage-derivatives industry to damage trillions of dollars worth of pension security. They support easy bankruptcy for corporations and impose stringent bankruptcy standards on the unemployed. They oppose every effort toward accountability and transparency (‘regulation’) in both government and corporate bureaucracies. They oppose every effort to protect ordinary people’s ability to seek redress for harm, harm up to and including death, in our taxpayer-funded courts. The strategy is to reduce the clout of the middle class—i.e. the bottom 90 percent of the population, as Inside Job puts it—and to make most of the population ever more dependent on the few. And when individual GOP congress members interrupt the over-all strategy on some particular legislation, they lose. The one exception to this big-picture GOP rule in his own way, the one congressional Republican who opposed the invasion of Iraq, Rep. Ron Paul (R-Tex.), is retiring from Congress.

All of this has passed largely unreported in the same news media that also missed (among other things) the lead-up to the Iraq War, the bubble and bust in the real estate boom, and the impending crisis in the mortgage-derivatives industry.

 

Thought for the week, passed along from Local 2336 of Communications Workers of America (CWA): “Do you remember when teachers, public employees, Planned Parenthood, NPR and PBS crashed the stock market, wiped out half of our 401K’s, took trillions in taxpayer funded bailouts, spilled oil in the Gulf of Mexico, gave themselves billions in bonuses and paid no taxes?  YEAH, ME NEITHER!”

 

Side note: In what is being reported as bad news financially, Americans are spending less and saving more. Setting aside if one could that that is actually good news, what did they expect after the charade over what should have been a routine rise of the debt ceiling?

Did anyone catch the language coming out of Washington last month, along with the name-calling? Debtdebtdebtdebtdebtdebtdebt . . .

 

More later

Governor Palin’s Ride

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Palin on Harley

Governor Palin’s Ride

 

Listen, my children, and you shall hear

Of Palin’s requital for snubs severe

From electable candidates, in 2008:

Hardly a politico can now relate

He remembers that famous time and year.

 

She said to her friends,–“If Romney announce

By land or sea from the town tonight,

Tweet a message, or text, don’t let it bounce,

To me or a fan if we lose the limelight,–

One if by land and two if by sea;

And I on somebody’s Harley will be,

Ready to ride and spread the alarm

Through every sex-messaging village and farm,

For the knuckleheads to be up and to arm.”

 

Then she said good-night, and with muffled oar

Silently rowed to Max Factor’s shore;

Meanwhile, her friends, through alley and street

Wandered and watched with eager ears,

Till in the silence around them they hears

The muster of men at the green-room door,

The clink of mugs, and the tramp of feet,

And the shuffling of photo-grenadiers

Slouching down to their marks on the floor.

 

Palin in greenroom

Beneath, they could hear, like a sentinel’s tread,

The watchful night-wind, as it went

Creeping along from tent to tent,

And seeming to whisper, “All is well!”

A moment only they feel the spell,

For suddenly all their thoughts are bent

On a shadowy something far away,

Where the river widens to meet the bay,–

Like literacy, but it’s still the GOP—

A line of black, that bends and floats

On the rising tide, like a bridge of boats.

 

Meanwhile, impatient to mount and to ride,

 [another “Meanwhile,” Henry, really? Seriously?]

Alarmed that somebody’s boat might be raised by a tide,

Black-jeaned and leathered, with heavy stride,

On a different coast walked Governor Rear

Now she patted the Harley’s side,

Now gazed on the landscape far and near,

But mostly she watched with eager search

The twinkling monitor of the old iPod.

 

Palin and Harley fan

And lo! As she looks, on the menu site,

A glimmer, and then a gleam of light!

She springs to the back seat, the angle she turns,

But lingers and gazes, till full on her sight

A second light on the monitor burns!

 

A hurry of Harleys in a village-coast,

A shape in the moonlight, a bulk in the dark,

And beneath from the pebbles, in passing, a spark

Struck out by a Hog that flies fearless and fleet:

That was all! And yet, through the gloom and the light,

The fate of a career was riding that night;

And the spark struck out by that hog, in her flight,

Kindled the launching of Romney to toast.

 

Romney launches bid for president

It was one by the village-clock

When she rode into Lexington.

She saw the gilded weathercock

Swim in the moonlight as she passed,

Like a tweety bird already staring aghast.

 

It was two by the village-clock

When she came to the bridge in Concord town.

She heard the bleating of the flock,

And one at the bridge would be first to fall,

Pierced by his own tweeted photo-ball.

 

Former Rep. Weiner

You know the rest. In the books you have read

How the former governor fired and fled,–

How the GOP regulars gave ball for ball,

From behind each fence and farmyard-wall,

Chasing other knuckleheads down the lane,

Then crossing the fields to emerge again,

While Governor Palin denied it all.

 

 

So in the spotlight did not ride Revere;

Through the night went his cry of alarm

To every Middlesex village and farm,–

A cry of defiance, and not of fear,–

A voice in the darkness, a knock at the door,

And a word that shall echo forevermore!

As long as people try to get it right,

Through all our history, if we read,

In the hour of darkness and peril and need,

The people will waken and listen to hear

The hurrying hoof-beat of that steed,

And the midnight-message of Paul Revere.

 

 (“The liars are winning! The liars are winning!”)