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More on Romney finance and GWBush connections

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Ties with Team Bush part 2

Continuing previous posts

This seems like as good a time as any to follow up on previous post on Mitt Romney’s non-released tax information and Romney’s quiet, long-time, scantly reported but extensive ties to the George W. Bush team. For one thing, Bush recently announced that he will be visiting the Caymans just before the election.

 

Bush to address tanned investors

Amidst the hubbub on the front lines and the day-to-day movements of polls, Romney has succeeded in remaining closeted about his finances. It’s one thing he has been consistent about. It is safe to say that Romney has achieved the distinction of being by far the most secretive of any major-party candidate running seriously, if that’s the word, for high office. Richard Lardner reported back in February that Romney did not release names of his bundlers even after President Obama did so. As we know, the pattern extends to Romney’s tax returns–with the exception of partial returns for two recent years–and of course to the para-political organizations including ‘super PACs’ supporting Romney and the GOP even while capital stays on the sidelines when it comes to investing in business. (So much for GOP talk about ‘small business’.) Thus one of the wealthiest men in America, a long-time politician with extensive financial and political connections to the wealthiest members of the GOP in the finance and communication sectors across the country, can run for the White House without ever being called to account on his own financial track record.

 

Imagine what they'd say if this pic had Obama in it

Up top, let me say that this situation would be destructive even if Romney had established his track record in something other than his peculiar line of finance. The lack of transparency and accountability would be destructive even if Romney had been engaged in manufacturing, like his father, instead of in short-term paper losses to enlarge long-term gains, largely at other people’s expense. But it does not help that Romney’s track record includes so much gain for him, pain for others.

 

Romney to Detroit

Today’s history lesson

Remember one of Romney’s successful turnarounds in the 1990s, his temp work returning from Bain Capital to Bain & Co.? That turnaround came partly at the expense of the then-Bank of New England and partly at the expense of American taxpayers.

Bank of New England had already gone bankrupt following its dealings with Bain & Co., where Romney  worked before forming Bain Capital with several colleagues (including T. Coleman Andrews III of a close Bush-connected family). Bain & Co. had lapsed on covenants with Bank of New England. But notwithstanding that the company had contributed to the bank’s failing, Romney’s work at Bain & Co. included getting Bain’s debt to Bank of New England reduced from $38 million to $28 million.

 

FDIC

Bank of New England, in Chapter 7, had already been seized by the Federal Deposit Insurance Commission (FDIC). The failure of the bank and its sister banks is the sixth largest bank failure in U.S. history, thus far. From Investopedia:

“At the time, the BNE was the 33rd largest bank in the U.S., and including its sister banks, it had assets totaling $21.8 billion and deposits totaling $19 billion. As with most bank failures, a bad loan portfolio triggered BNE’s downfall.”

The bank’s bad portolio included Bain. Thus what Romney’s negotiating means, in plain English, is that Romney succeeded in getting Bain’s bill to the American taxpayer reduced by $10 million. Romney’s negotiating tactic was as simple as it was unsavory. Bain & Co. at the time was in dire financial straits–explaining why Romney was brought back on board. Romney turned the minuses into pluses, using them as leverage against the FDIC: He threatened to use Bain’s remaining funds for bonuses to (end-stage) Bain executives.

Back to 2012

As written earlier, there are undoubtedly several reasons why Romney doesn’t want to release his tax returns–or any financial records, except the partial recent tax returns from two presidential-campaign years.  One is that open records would clarify the close ties between the Bush and Romney teams over the years. Even a quick look at Romney’s business career shows that Romney’s interests have been tied closely to Bush’s. Previous posts dealt with entities including CaterAir–the Marriott spin-off that pretty gave Dubya his business career–and World Corp, South African Airways, and InteliData, where business relationships between the Bush people and the Romney-Bain people proliferated. Predictably given its Marriott ties, CaterAir has retained ties with Bain Capital over the years. See for examples corporate bios for Bain alumni from an SEC filing. One is an alumna of CaterAir, Graham a co-founder of Bain. This filing dates from the 2005 merger of InteliData and Corillian Corporation. InteliData, with Bain alum John Backus on board, became Coriallian; Corillian bought CheckFree, now FISERV.

 

Two candidates

To reiterate, in narrow political terms it does not benefit the Romney campaign to be tied too closely to the Bush years. It is beside the point that some recent polls have suggested that Romney is more of a drag on Bush than the other way around; during the past four years leading up to election 2012, the smart money would have seen it the other way around. Clearly the Romney campaign did. Team Romney has been working with GWBush alumni quietly, behind the scenes (as in the machinations in Virginia). By and large, the Bush and Cheney clans have not co-appeared out on the campaign trail with Romney and Ryan. Nor have the disgraced neo-cons left over from the Bush administration, who have nowhere else to go–and have flocked to Romney.

More on that later.

The fiscal and political Bush-Romney relationships have been thick on the ground in northern Virginia, and the D.C. suburbs in Virginia are the major political and financial hub for state and national GOP. Small wonder rival Republican candidates for the White House in 2012 could not even get on the ballot in the Birthplace of Presidents. Except for the well-organized Ron Paul, no one had the skills to compensate for Romney’s lock on what is politely called the establishment in Virginia, i.e. the nexus of corporate, NGO and political links between candidates and their financial support in Virginian suburbs of Washington, D.C. Owen Wister must be rolling over in his grave.

Not that northern Virginia is the only spot. Let’s start with a loose thumbnail of some other Bain investors over the years. The list includes Reynolds DeWitt & Co.

Thus Romney-Bush ties also take us to Dallas, Texas, home of a financial company with the Dickensian name Crimstone Partners (not to be confused with a fantasy character aptly named Crimstone). Here is the company self-described, from one of numerous publicly released statements:

“About CrimStone Partners

CrimStone Partners is a special purpose private equity partnership designed to find, acquire and build companies.”

[sound familiar?]

“The fund’s investors consist of more than 35 highly distinguished business leaders, senior investment bankers and private equity professionals from firms such as Morgan Stanley, LazArd, Dresdner Kleinwort Wasserstein, Bain Capital, AEA Investors, Allied Capital, Seven Rosen Funds, Blum Capital and CIBC.”

CrimStone has substantial ties to Ohio–where the good Sen. Sherrod Brown is enduring an avalanche of attack ads, and where GOP efforts to limit accessibility to voting were successful in 2004.

“CrimStone’s largest investor is Reynolds, DeWitt & Co., an investment firm in Cincinnati, Ohio, whose current holdings include basic manufacturing businesses, national franchise holding companies, real estate developments and a professional sports franchise.”

CrimStone has a claim to fame aside from the colorful name: Its main investor is the firm that backed George W. Bush throughout his business career, bailing him out at critical junctures, and made him a millionaire. Reynolds, DeWitt & Co., as noted, has ongoing business ties with Bain Capital (where, Romney emphasizes, he no longer works). Both Mercer Reynolds and William DeWitt support Romney for president in 2012. No surprise there; they supported him in 2008 against Sen. John McCain, too.

 

Anti-Romney ad in 2007

DeWitt, founder and co-chair along with Reynolds of Reynolds, DeWitt & Co., has continued to donate in the 2012 election cycle–$86,950 in this election cycle so far, according to figures provided by the Center for Responsive Politics. Reynolds, like DeWitt a pillar of Ohio’s GOP establishment, is on the roster of Romney for President. Each donated almost half a million dollars to GOP candidates and committees from 1990 through 2006, according to CRP.

It is no surprise that longtime local businessmen and state GOP honchos would be GOP donors as well.  But donations are only a small part of the story. Straight-out donations pale particularly in comparison to what Reynolds and DeWitt did for George W. Bush, in both business and politics.

The story is long, chock-a-block detailed, and has been written about elsewhere. Condensed, it reads as the story of a political-financial relay team, members effectively poised at each juncture of George W. Bush’s career to hand him the life-saving water bottle or more significant resource, primarily financial backing and political apparatus. A few quick examples of many:

  • In the mid-1980s, Bush’s oil exploration company was bailed out by Reynolds and DeWitt.
  • Also during the 1980s, DeWitt and Reynolds were among the Ohio investors brought in to back Bush’s purchase of the Texas Rangers baseball team.
  • GWBush received $42K year in consulting fees from Harken Energy, backed by Reynolds and DeWitt.
  • The relatively unknown Harken Energy also received a surprising opportunity to drill in Bahrain.
  • DeWitt was Bush’s partner in the Texas Rangers venture.
  • Reynolds was national finance chairman for the 2004 Bush-Cheney presidential campaign.
  • Reynolds co-chaired Bush-Cheney’s presidential inaugural committee.

 

Oil rig, Ship of state, the bloody son

For the record, Reynolds became GWBush’s ambassador to Switzerland and Lichtenstein, 2001-2003. A reward of ceremonial appointments, however, is dwarfed by the favorable tax policy bestowed by the Bush administration on long-time Bush cronies and their companies. 

As with Romney and his Olympics stint, Bush was able to base a claim of business experience on his Texas Rangers. As with Romney and Bain’s dealings with Bank of New England, Bush was able to get significant taxpayer help–Texas taxpayers and the City of Austin provided the stadium where Bush’s baseball team played. And as with Romney and some failed former Bain companies, Bush exited some companies carrying away gain for self while leaving the losses for others. It’s been called “vulture capitalism” for a reason. We could call them vulture political scions.

More in the Romney tax returns

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More on those tax returns

Following up on those Friday-release Romney tax returns, a few quick observations

Mitt and Ann Romney’s IRS tax return for 2011 is posted here.

For the record, what has not been revealed by Romney is more interesting than what has been. Still, there are some items of interest in the limited and partial two-year disclosure the Romney team has vouchsafed.

From the top:

The headliner, of course, is the large amount of money involved.

Total adjusted gross income reported:   $13,696,951.

Largest single income source is from capital gains:            $6,810,176.

Next largest income source is dividends:                               $3,649,567.

Next largest income source is interest, including as previously written U.S. government interest:              $3,012,775.

The next thing one notes is the meticulous craftsmanship of Romney’s tax preparers, PriceWaterhouseCoopers.

PriceWaterhouseCoopers

The meticulousness is noticeable in regard to whatever reduces Romney’s tax liability. Pages to indicate losses, expenses and deductions are filled out copiously. Numerous tax credits are claimed, large and small. Two dollars ($2) in tax credits is claimed for example under Part III, General Business Credits or Eligible Small Business Credits, for “Increasing research activities (form 6765)”. Box checked: “General Business Credit From a Passive Activity.” Another twenty-five dollars ($25) for increasing research is claimed on another page, indicating a different pass-through entity.

Capital gains seem also to be meticulously included. For example, a $39 gain is declared for “Casualty or Theft of Property Held More Than One Year.” Cryptic.

Capital losses, on the other hand, apparently total $484,913.

Note:

‘Capital loss’ seems to wiggle up or down a little, depending on which page you’re on. This is probably the key on how Romney in person addresses questions, audiences, and fora on the campaign trail. Other people are thinking in terms of ‘flip-flopping’ or issues or the like. Romney is thinking in terms of long-term gain/loss.

Romney on air

Speaking of losses and write-offs, our tax code offers among numerous other deductions an Investment Interest Expense Deduction. This deduction might well have been intended to encourage investment in, say, factories and equipment. But evidently it can also be applied to capital-gains-type ‘investment’, such as in pass-through entities in the Caymans, Germany, and Ireland.

Romney’s net investment income reported:       $2,403,311.

Investment interest expense reported:                $640,876.

His deduction:   Ditto.

So just managing the investment income costs that? Or the part of the managing expenses that can be deducted?

On another matter, the Household Employment Tax and Social Security pages are left blank. Instead, a statement: “Beginning in 2011, the payroll tax returns and all applicable taxes for personal employees were remitted on a monthly basis and reported quarterly on Form 941.” Form 941 is not included in the releases. Protecting employees’ privacy is a good. The omissions leave PriceWaterhouseCoopers on the hook for seeing to it that there’s no funny business about employees’ Social Security.

Can, meet worms.

  • Chris Hayes on MSNBC has already pointed out that the trustee named on Romney’s blind trusts is also Romney’s own attorney. Here is the posted statement from Romney’s guy.
  • As stated, Romney actually chose to pay more taxes than he had to for 2011, by claiming less in charitable contributions than the handsome amount he gave. This filing decision was made, according to Romney’s guys, in order to make Romney’s taxes conform to his previous (July) statement on his usual tax rate.
  • Tax expert David Cay Johnston has also pointed out the careful wording in this statement, particularly re ‘owed’ versus ‘paid’. Nowhere does Romney’s statement on his taxes claim that Romney paid what he owed in the given tax year.
  • Numerous commentators have also noted that this year, for example, Romney can if he chooses go back and file an amended return, i.e. after the election, and claim the rest of his charitable deductions.

Worms, meet can.

One last sub-topic, in this dry matter of tax returns.

Many, many pages of the Romney tax returns: “Information Return by a Shareholder of a Passive Foreign Investment Company or Qualified Electing Fund” (Form 8621). Romney’s filing is particularly sensitive to the possible impression made by the category of foreign holdings, it would seem. Passive Foreign Investment Company (PFIC) holdings  in the Grand Caymans, etc., are repeatedly said to be held indirectly through Goldman Sachs (hint hint). The number of shares is always “unknown.” The dollar amounts appear to be minuscule. The large number of Form 8621’s included, demonstrating small amounts in holdings overseas, contrasts to the omission of that form about employee Social Security.

Interestingly, PFIC shares or amounts held in the Netherlands or in the Grand Caymans, etc., are UP in 2011 from 2010. Looks as if Romney was convinced in 2010 that he wouldn’t face much of a problem about them in the 2012 race. Could that have been an impression left by the 2010 elections?

Some shares in PFICs were purchased in (late) November 2010, in fact, and in December of the same year.

Narrowing down further to specifics, page after page of the tax returns indicate date acquired for PFICs as “12/14/2010.” Here, just for fun, is a Wall Street Journal article headline for that exact date: “Dems Sweat ObamaCare Ruling.”

An earlier bunch of Romney’s PFIC holdings had been acquired 9/16/2010. Sample headline for that date: “Poll: Climate grows rockier for Dems, Obama.”

Moving on–

Although the vastest sums in Romney’s wealth are capital gains, dividends and interest–unearned income–there is also a (relatively) small category of earned income. For author/speaking fees, American Talent Group LLC paid Romney $178,500. For director’s fees, Marriott International paid him $260,390.

Still, those amounts–which would be substantial for almost anyone else–are dwarfed by the capital gains category.

Short-term capital losses:             $2,292,120. Hefty write-off.

Long-term capital gain:  $9,033,933.

This over-all is the dominant pattern characterizing Romney’s tax posture: some short-term loss, far more than compensated by long-germ gain. A more precise way to interpret the facts might be, some short-term loss as a means to long-term gain. Some short-term loss paving the way to long-term gain.

It’s like buying a company, assuming costly debt/leverage, then treating the loss as another receivable–from the U.S. Treasury, in the form of tax adjustments–when subsequently selling the company.

Dade Behring is one illustration. As the New York Times reported in November 2011,

“Bain settled on a common tactic in private equity: In April 1999, it pushed Dade to borrow hundreds of millions of dollars to buy half of Bain’s shares in the company—and half of those of its investment partners.

Bain pocketed the $242 million. Goldman received $121 million. Top Dade executives got $55 million, records show. The total payout to shareholders reached $420 million—nearly as much as the purchase price for Dade.”

Dade declared bankruptcy and was later bought by a German company.

Romney trusts receive more from govt for 2011 than Romney is paying in income tax

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Romney trusts receive more from govt for 2011 than Romney is paying in income tax

What was that about receiving money from the government, again?

Re-posting from Saturday, responding to a couple of quick questions and further clarifying the earlier post–

Friday p.m., Sept. 21, Mitt Romney finally released his completed tax return for 2011. Finished Monday, released Friday afternoon, in one of those document drops traditionally timed for the start of the weekend rather than for the top of the news cycle.

The filing is dated Sept. 17, 2012, right after–first business day after–public release by Mother Jones magazine of Romney’s videotaped remarks. The three blind trust filings, however, were signed Sept. 12. Safe to say the Romney team waited until after the conventions to finish the tax papers, but the timing of the release may well have been planned before the Mother Jones videotape.

Mitt Romney

For now, a quick note on the Romney trusts.

First, the W. Mitt Romney Blind Trust return for 2011 shows income for Romney’s blind trust of $664,045 from the U.S. government. Top line, after you get through the pages for extensions, etc., is income from

U.S. GOVERNMENT INTEREST: $652,018.

Shortly after that comes U.S. GOVERNMENT INTEREST REPORTED AS DIVIDENDS: $12,027.

Total for 2011: as stated $664,045.

This is interest income alone in 2011, for Romney’s blind trust, from the United States government.

U.S. savings bonds

The same story holds for the other Romney trusts.

The 2011 return for the Romney Family Trust shows

U.S. government interest income:           $662,115.

U.S. government interest in dividend form:         $90,461.

Total U.S. government interest income for the Romney family trust:       $752,576.

 

The 2011 return for the Ann Romney Trust shows

U.S. government interest income:           $362,701.

U.S. government  interest reported as dividends:             $156,157.

Total:     $518,858.

So total moneys received as interest, from our U.S. government in 2011, by the Romney trusts, came to $1,935,479.

 

A snarky person might call that the exact amount–in this category, for 2011–added by Romney trusts to the ‘national debt’ our GOPers gripe about so much.

I don’t feel that way, of course. I favor buying U.S. savings bonds. A few qualifiers, here:

One, as written previously I support buying U.S. Treasury notes, bills, and savings bonds. With interest rates low, it is a particularly patriotic thing to do, and that so many people and business entities around the globe are doing so is further evidence of the solidity of the U.S. government. Low-yielding savings bonds are a fiscally conservative form of investment and a safe place to park money.

Romney’s tax returns do not indicate when Romney or his trusts purchased the Treasury products producing this trust interest income.

Two, this interest income, handsome as it is, is dwarfed by the myriad tax write-offs allowed by our government to entities like Romney’s trusts, by the pages of paper losses and deductions Romney can legally use to reduce his taxes, and above all by the lower federal tax rate applied to income gotten by capital gains rather than by working.

But wait, there’s more. The next Q is how the blind trust returns relate to Romney’s tax return.

The Romneys’ tax return shows total adjusted gross income:      $13,696,951.

Largest single income source: capital gains:          $6,810,176.

Next largest income source: dividends:                 $3,649,567.

Next largest income source: interest:     $3,012,775.

One answer is that the Romneys’ federal interest income comes to one-seventh, or 14 percent, of the adjusted gross income declared on Romney’s IRS return for 2011. Much has been made of that percentage in the 2012 election campaign, as we recall. Saturday’s Washington Post headline on this topic said that Romney paid a 14 percent tax rate in 2011. The WP did not mention that Romney’s income tax burden was almost exactly offset by interest income the Romney trusts received from the U.S. Treasury.

Looking at the same thing another way, without the interest income from Treasury, the Romneys’ adjusted gross comes down to $11,239,472. Admittedly that total would still be enough for their simple needs.

It might also be noted, though, that the income reported is just the interest on those U.S. government products. The face value of the Treasury bonds, notes or bills does not have to be reported, and isn’t. Nor is the purchase date or the type of Treasury product purchased. It’s just money coming back into Romney accounts–the full maturity value of the EE-Series bonds or whatever, which would be a multiple of the reported interest income.

Moving from percentages to dollar amounts, Romney reports owing $1,935,708.00 in federal income tax for 2011. He reports paying $3,434,441. That’s an overpayment with refund due to Romney, according to his return, of $1,498,740. (Box checked applying it to estimated tax for 2012.)

Thus,

to the government:        $1,935,708.00

from the government:  $1,935,479.00

Difference:         $229.00

In short, by some uncanny coincidence Romney’s combined trusts received in interest FROM Uncle Sam, for 2011, almost exactly what citizen Romney is paying in income tax TO Uncle Sam for 2011.

And as stated that’s before factoring in all the offsets, credits, deductions and other means of reducing reportable or taxable income on the family IRS returns.

 

Romney’s releases re finance are posted here.